Stagnation remains the order of the day. Confusion imposes itself amid the decay of sovereignty and the utter lack of reform weight. Rhetorical narratives mirror themselves in the folkloric spectacle. It seems the time to build a state has not yet come. Maneuvers, evasions, and bargains are unsettling. Merely affirming the foundational principles of the state and its functions are now exposed and hollow. The fragility of public service for the common good calls for reflection on our inability to engage with the national, Arab, and international momentum, momentum that seeks for the Cedar homeland to rise once more as a nation-state.

This triangular momentum has been carried forward by reformist sovereign forces and vibrant societal actors, supported by the energy of the diaspora, giving rise to a quiet form of public diplomacy that successfully placed the Lebanese people back on the map of global concern. Freedom, democracy, diversity, liberalism, moderation, and creativity are all key elements that must not be ignored in this renewed journey.

Lebanon has never ceased to draw attention to its unique foundational characteristics, even before it became a state in 1920. Today, those advantages are under threat. They are being systematically dismantled, distorted through persistent constitutional violations, emptied of substance by the normalization of corruption over any reformist choice, and structurally destroyed through a brutal erosion of sovereignty.

From here, reformist sovereignty and sovereign reform become absolute priorities. Only the integrity of good governance and the construction of a sovereign, free, just, and independent citizenship based state can salvage what remains of Lebanon’s message. The state is the guarantor, yet its very idea has become lost in the shadows of neglect. We must now approach the dialectical relationship between reform and sovereignty with a scientific, deeply structural lens.

A. On Reformist Sovereignty

Reform is not a diplomatic request; it is inherently bound to a sovereign commitment that affirms its exceptionalism in any national orientation. This is how the concept of reformist sovereignty takes shape: by activating the relational order between individual rights and state functions. This relational framework is tightly linked to an expanded understanding of sovereignty, not just as a monopoly of force and arms, but also as the clear definition of the reformist responsibilities of a nurturing and protective state.

Reformist sovereignty requires humility in national belonging and integrity in action. Interaction with the Arab and international lens is healthy to the extent that it aligns with positive neutrality, except when it comes to national security and supreme national interest.

In this context, partnerships with Arab and international institutions emerge more clearly and reflect Lebanon’s connection to the legacy of the international order, far from ideological or militarized alignments. Reformist sovereignty is a challenge that no Lebanese government has yet approached, except with a spirit of short-term self-interest. This exploitative mindset is deadly.

B. On Sovereign Reform

Sovereignty is not a diplomatic request either. It is tied to the constitution and the Taif Agreement, making it a reformist, national, and state-level imperative par excellence. The erosion of sovereignty since 1969 has deprived the state of its right to exist. Restoring the relational framework between state functions and individual rights cannot be postponed.

This equation complements the earlier one on reformist sovereignty. Sovereign reform demands the courage to reject the logic of “Security by Mutual Consensus”, no matter the justifications. Civil peace is protected exclusively by the state. Living together is safeguarded solely by the constitution.

Fragmentation in sovereignty has brought disasters upon Lebanon and its people. Learning from history is a hallmark of constructive humility. Denial and stalling within the logic of transactional compromise only echo past commitments that now hinder the seizing of historic opportunities. Disappointment is on the rise.

Whatever the nature of this ongoing dialectic between reform and sovereignty (and vice versa), it is unacceptable to think that sycophantic celebration or media cosmetics can buy time until what some naïvely see as more “Objective Conditions” emerge. Waiting and outsmarting others have already brought down their practitioners. It seems they have fallen. Lebanon deserves a state, with statesmen and stateswomen worthy of the name.

Ziad El Sayegh, PhD

Ziad El Sayegh is a Senior International Fellow at the Asfari Institute for Civil Society and Citizenship and the Executive Director of the Civic Influence Hub